Full list: Agriculture in the News

Vermont Standard: The Land Of Milk And Just Enough Money

By Katy Savage
Standard Correspondent
4/20/13
Full Article

Randy and Lisa Robar began dairy farming two years ago with one cow. Without a barn or enough land, they kept Sophie in their garage.

Kiss the Cow Farm now has 13 cows that produce raw, organic milk at a once-abandoned dairy farm in East Barnard. It’s small and not too profitable, but, for Randy, farming is a lifestyle.

“Nobody (farms) to make money because you probably aren’t going to make money,” Randy said. “All those chores aren’t chores, they’re just part of the daily life routine.”

Perhaps the hardest part in launching a dairy farm isn’t finding customers; it’s the start-up costs. Vermont law prohibits dairy farmers from selling their product in stores without a certified production facility, which can cost thousands, Randy said.

“The biggest challenge is trying to sell the food we grow,” said Randy. “There are plenty of people willing to purchase it, but I’m not legally allowed to sell it.”

But the Robars have dreams of making farming a career. They want to produce cheese.

Learning to farm
When Lisa and Randy moved to an apartment in Barnard to escape the Boston suburbs, they wanted to farm but didn’t know how. By chance, the apartment they rented was owned by longtime farmer Joe LaDouceur.

Lisa signed LaDouceur’s lease with one request: He teach Randy how to farm.

Nearly everyday for two years, Randy followed LaDouceur around Bowman Road Farm, learning about grazing, fencing, farm infrastructure and how to start an old truck that’s been sitting in the field for years.

“(Randy) had that heavy desire,” said LaDouceur. “If you don’t have that heavy desire, I don’t care if you’re a zillionaire; you aren’t going to be a farmer. You have to be willing to work and not make big income.”

LaDouceur, 75, started farming in the 1970s and uses his knowledge to mentor those who have never farmed.

“I have a mission,” said LaDouceur. “I have been doing this a long time and I’ve seen a lot of farms go out of business. I want to see new people coming back. Randy and Lisa, when they came to town, they wanted to farm. I’m pretty proud of what they’re doing. They’ve gotten right into it now.”

The number of dairy farms in Vermont has been declining since 1980, according to vermontdairy. com. There are 42 dairy farms in Windsor County currently and 995 in the entire state, a decrease of 36 percent since 2000.

Much has changed since LaDouceur began farming.
“There used to be a lot of nice little farms and we all helped each other out,” said LaDouceur. “All of those farmers helped me out a lot. But now they’re all gone. That’s why it’s nice to see (Randy and Lisa); maybe the valley will come back.”

LaDouceur said it’s not easy to make a living farming. Those who farm do it because they love it.

And, Randy, it seems, has caught the farming bug.
“(Randy) reads a lot and studies a lot,” LaDouceur said. “He doesn’t mind getting his hands dirty. That’s why I think he’ll be a good [farmer]. He’s very meticulous; really in to getting things right.”

A farming future?
The Robars don’t have to go grocery shopping often — Lisa has successfully experimented making yogurt, soft cheese, butter and sour cream with her raw milk.

She is currently a music teacher at Woodstock Union High School, but farming has “bitten (her) life completely,” she said. She wants to join Randy and farm full-time.

Within the next couple years, the Robars hope to purchase more cows and start producing cheese, and maybe someday other dairy products.

But whether he makes money or not, Randy is happy doing what he’s doing.

“At the end of the day, the work I do is visible,” he said. “It’s not like paperwork and email. I spent too many years doing that sort of work.”


The Mountain Times: Vermont Digital Economy Project begins assisting flood-impacted communities

April 11, 2013
Full Article

On Monday, April 8, The Vermont Council on Rural Development (VCRD) announced the first round of communities to receive intensive services from its Digital Economy Project this year. The Vermont Digital Economy Project is designed to increase resilience and foster economic development in flood-impacted Vermont communities. In the past week, project staff met with town officials and other community leaders in Bethel, Royalton, Waterbury, Wilmington, and Halifax to commit to the provision of key services. In the coming weeks they will visit Rochester, Killington, and Woodstock, among several other towns.

“It was difficult to prioritize which towns to serve first, because we received so many compelling applications from towns that were greatly impacted by flooding,” said Sharon Combes-Farr, project director of the Vermont Digital Economy Project. “The town’s self-assessment of their community’s level of need for our disaster relief services and the degree to which flooding had impacted the community were the most important considerations.”

All of the services delivered by the Vermont Digital Economy Project will foster resilience and economic development through greater utilization of online tools.  These services include: providing digital workshops and one-one-one advising for nonprofits, farm and forest businesses, and other small businesses; creating new downtown Wi-Fi zones and hotspots; evaluating town websites and enhancing them; deploying an integrated community calendar and community-based online forum; and establishing an Internet Intern program to provide digital literacy training at local libraries.

These services are delivered at no cost to selected towns as part of the project’s disaster relief grant from the Economic Development Administration.

Over the past several weeks, the VCRD and Vermont Digital Economy Project staff had reached out to town clerks, local chambers of commerce, libraries, and all of Vermont’s state senators and representatives to encourage as many communities as possible to apply for project services by the March 15 round-one application deadline. 24 towns applied.


ABC 7: Protesters demonstrate at FDA against GMOs

By Brianne Carter
April 8, 2013
Full Article and Video

Looking for more labels on the food we eat, Monday morning dozens gathered outside the Food and Drug Administration Center for Food Safety.

Kathy Engle-Dulac says genetically modified foods, or GMO’s, raise the biggest concerns.

If a food product has been genetically engineered, she believes consumers have the right to know.

Like others gathered Monday, she’s asking the FDA to change their policies so when consumers walk into a grocery store they know what they’re buying.

In a statement the Food and Drug Administration said: “Currently, food manufacturers may indicate through voluntary labeling whether foods have or have not been developed through genetic engineering provided such labeling is truthful and not misleading. In general, foods derived from genetically engineered plants must meet the same requirements, including safety requirements as other foods…”


New York Times Opinionator: Why Do G.M.O.’s Need Protection?

By Mark Bittman
April 2, 2013
Full Article

Genetic engineering in agriculture has disappointed many people who once had hopes for it. Excluding, of course, those who’ve made money from it, appropriately represented in the public’s mind by Monsanto. That corporation, or at least its friends, recently managed to have an outrageous rider slipped into the 587-page funding bill Congress sent to President Obama.[1]

The rider essentially prohibits the Department of Agriculture from stopping production of any genetically engineered crop once it’s in the ground, even if there is evidence that it is harmful.

That’s a pre-emptive Congressional override of the judicial system, since it is the courts that are most likely to ask the U.S.D.A. to halt planting or harvest of a particular crop. President Obama signed the bill last week (he kind of had to, to prevent a government shutdown) without mentioning the offensive rider [2] (he might have), despite the gathering of more than 250,000 signatures protesting the rider by the organization Food Democracy Now!

The override is unnecessary as well as disgraceful, because the U.S.D.A. is already overly supportive of genetically engineered crops. When a court tried to stop the planting of genetically engineered beets a couple of years ago pending adequate study, the U.S.D.A. allowed it. And the secretary of agriculture, Tom Vilsack – who, in fairness, does not seem happy about the rider but was powerless to stop it – was quoted in this (excellent) Politico piece as saying, “With the seed genetics today that we’re seeing, miracles are occurring every single growing season.”

True enough. But “seed genetics” refers not only to genetically engineered seeds but to seeds whose genetics have been altered by conventional means, like classical breeding. In fact, as I said up top, genetic engineering, or, more properly, transgenic engineering – in which a gene, usually from another species of plant, bacterium or animal, is inserted into a plant in the hope of positively changing its nature – has been disappointing.

In the nearly 20 years of applied use of G.E. in agriculture there have been two notable “successes,” along with a few less notable ones.[3] These are crops resistant to Monsanto’s Roundup herbicide (Monsanto develops both the seeds and the herbicide to which they’re resistant) and crops that contain their own insecticide. The first have already failed, as so-called superweeds have developed resistance to Roundup, and the second are showing signs of failing, as insects are able to develop resistance to the inserted Bt toxin — originally a bacterial toxin — faster than new crop variations can be generated.

Nothing else in the world of agricultural genetic engineering even comes close to the “success” of these two not-entirely-successful creations. Furthermore, at least in these cases, their pattern of success (and high profits) followed by failure was inevitable.

Don’t take my word for it. Let me summarize extensive conversations I’ve recently had with Doug Gurian-Sherman, a senior scientist and plant pathologist at the Union of Concerned Scientists: Roundup Ready seeds allowed farmers to spend less time and energy controlling weeds. But the temporary nature of the gains was predictable: “There was no better way to create weeds tolerant to glyphosate (Roundup) than to spray all of them intensively for a few years,” Gurian-Sherman told me. “And that’s what was done.”

The result is that the biggest crisis in monocrop agriculture – something like 90 percent of all soybeans and 70 percent of corn is grown using Roundup Ready seed – lies in glyphosate’s inability to any longer provide total or even predictable control, because around a dozen weed species have developed resistance to it. “Any ecologist would have predicted this, and many did,” Gurian-Sherman said.

In the case of seeds containing the Bt toxin, insect resistance took longer to develop because breeders, knowing that insects evolve faster than new crop species can normally be generated, have deployed several variations of the Bt toxin in an effort to reduce the “selection pressure.” But, says Gurian-Sherman, “We’re starting to see that resistance now.”

Aside from the shame of Congress, there is another important issue here. Many steps could be taken right now to improve yields while diminishing the need for herbicides and pesticides, including sophisticated rotational systems, targeted applications of chemicals and other methods tested and demonstrated in the U.S.D.A./Iowa State University Marsden Farm study (about which I wrote last year). Acknowledging that — and recognizing that, at least for now, classical breeding methods remain superior to genetic engineering for whole crop improvement — is not the same thing as making inflated claims about the hazards of genetic engineering to human health, as some opponents of genetic engineering have taken to doing.

There is far from any scientific consensus on this, because there’s currently little or no reliable evidence that food manufactured with ingredients from genetically engineered plants is directly harmful to humans[4]. That’s not the same thing as saying that the potential isn’t there for novel proteins and other chemicals to generate unexpected problems, which is why we need strict, effective testing and regulatory systems.

It’s also why the pre-emptive “biotech rider” is such an insult: Congress is (again) protecting corporations from the public interest. This is all the more reason that food derived from genetically modified organisms should be so labeled, especially since the vast majority of Americans want them to be.

We should also note that far less expensive – sometimes 100 times less expensive – conventional breeding techniques have outstripped genetic engineering techniques over the last 20 years, during which G.E. techniques have gotten far more publicity. (Conventionally bred drought resistance has raised yields around 30 percent in the last 30 years; Monsanto’s drought-resistant corn, says Gurian-Sherman, promises at most a 6 percent increase, and that only in moderate drought.) We’re using more pesticides than ever (something like 400 million pounds in the last 15 years), and net yields from applied genetic engineering in the United States are only a bit higher (and then only in monocrop systems) than net yields from seeds developed using more conventional techniques.

All of this explains why producers of genetically engineered seeds feel they need protection. (One can only hope that this is temporary, since the rider expires at the end of this fiscal year; though it’s hard to see it going away without a whole lot of noise.) Their technology is not that great (did Polaroid, or Xerox, or Microsoft need protection?) and their research costs are high. They need another home run like Roundup Ready crops – serious drought tolerance would be an example — yet there isn’t one in sight.

Genetic engineering has its problems. Like nuclear power, it may someday become safe and productive or – again like nuclear power – it may become completely unnecessary. Our job as citizens is to support the production of energy and food by the most sustainable and least damaging methods scientists can devise. If that’s genetic engineering, fine. But to date it hasn’t been; in fact, the technology has been little more than an income-generator for a few corporations desperate to see those profits continue regardless of the cost to the rest of us, or to the environment.


1. Incredibly, it was done anonymously. No member of Congress has taken responsibility.

2. Nor did he mention another horrendous House-inserted provision that gives increased market power to our three largest meatpacking corporations at the expense of small farmers and ranchers, and hogties U.S.D.A. attempts to put the brakes on the worst abuses of big meatpackers.

3. This from a technology that its advocates promised would be revolutionary, a technology that some believe is our only hope of increasing yields quickly enough to “feed humanity” later this century. (Not that we need to increase yields to feed humanity, and not that we’re feeding “humanity” now. But that’s another story.)

4. On the other hand, there has been no monitoring of humans for harm, so the very often heard claim by many G.E. advocates that the technology has harmed no one is, says Gurian-Sherman, “flat out wrong scientifically.”


Seven Days: Lawmakers Look to Crack Down on “Current-Use” Abuse

By Kathryn Flagg
04.03.13
Full Article

Is the state’s “current-use” program a tax break for rich property owners or a crucial safeguard to prevent Vermont from becoming one big subdivision? It depends on who is assessing the state program that reduces taxes for some landowners of ag and forestlands by an average 88 percent.

But many Vermonters agree it’s due for an update, and that’s the goal behind H.329, a House bill passed last Friday that is now en route to the Senate.

Enacted in 1978, current use — formally known as use value appraisal — gives property owners lucrative tax breaks to keep land undeveloped. As its name implies, eligible landowners using property for agriculture or forestry are taxed on the value of their land as it’s currently being used, rather than the much higher potential value if the land were to be developed.

Critics complain that developers can game the system to reap short-term tax benefits and develop land later on, and there’s little oversight once a landowner is enrolled in the program. They also note the policy is costly — the state is obligated to reimburse towns a total of $13.3 million in lost municipal tax revenues for tax year 2012 — and that average taxpayers are paying for it. The price tag for current use has increased 8 percent per year, on average, over the past decade.

Supporters such as Rep. Alison Clarkson (D-Woodstock) call current use the most important conservation program in Vermont. More than a third of the state’s land is enrolled in the program — more than 1.7 million acres of forestland and 550,000 acres of farmland.

“If it had been taxed on its market value and not its use value, we would not have the same landscape that we have today, because the economic pressures would have driven them all into subdivisions and development,” says Clarkson, the lead sponsor of H.329.

But as it stands now, the penalties are so low that would-be developers can enroll in current use, enjoy the resulting tax breaks and still come out ahead when they turn around and subdivide or develop their land. In some cases the break-even point on that equation is less than a year. Critics call the practice “parking” land in current use.

Clarkson’s bill proposes a tiered system of penalties. The penalties would be higher than they are now in most cases, but the system would also reward landowners with lower penalties the longer they keep their land undeveloped.

“Even people who don’t like current use should be pleased about this,” Clarkson says, “because it’s more money coming back to taxpayers.” H.329 marks the third attempt to reform the current use program in recent years. Then-governor Jim Douglas vetoed a bill in 2010 that would have increased penalties, and a second attempt subsequently stalled out for a year and a half in the Senate Finance Committee.

Indeed, plenty of Vermonters dislike current use. Some are upset that there’s no income sensitivity in the program, meaning wealthy landowners who could afford to pay higher taxes benefit from generous breaks. Others complain about landowners who enjoy the tax reduction while simultaneously posting their land to prohibit hunting and recreation.

“Then we can’t even use the land, which many times has been used for decades,” says Mary O’Brien, a selectboard member in Hartland. “People who don’t understand or respect that tradition have the money to buy huge tracts of land and use the rest of us to pay their share.”

Current use was a hot topic on Town Meeting Day in Hartland last month. Every year, the town publishes an annual report with a list of property owners who are enrolled in the program; in a small town like Hartland, the list always generates a lot of interest.

Bill Johnson, the director of property valuation and review at the Vermont Department of Taxes, concedes that while forestland enrolled in the program should meet a rigorous forest management plan, the ag side of current use is largely conducted in “good faith.”

“We only have three people doing this,” he says, referring to the small staff in the current-use division, “and they can’t go running around looking at millions of acres.”

Reading from her list, Hartland’s Rosson ticks off a couple of large properties receiving equally large discounts, including a $960,200 reduction in property value assessment for Cobb Hill Cohousing.

Another property owner — VTel CEO and president Michel Guité — has 160 acres enrolled in the program; working with Cornell and the University of Vermont, he’s planting new, high-sugar-content maple saplings for a sugarbush. That lowered the taxable value of his land, which does not include any buildings, by $707,400. His annual property tax bill comes to roughly $530, according to a December 2011 report in the Valley News.

O’Brien, who raises sheep and chickens on 10 acres in Hartland, feels that’s deeply unfair. Her property is too small to enroll in current use, which typically requires a minimum 25 acres to join. Her property tax bill is $9000 a year — 17 times as much as a landowner with roughly 16 times the amount of land.

“The disparity, the gap, between that $530 and my taxes — it’s so vast of a gulf, it’s impossible to ignore anymore,” says O’Brien. “And there’s no end in sight for me. We can’t afford to buy another 15 acres of land and throw our land in current use.”

Guité says that his agricultural endeavors — which also include planting historic orchards modeled after the varieties favored by Thomas Jefferson — qualify him for the program. “I don’t know if it’s fair or not, but that’s just the way it works,” he says. “There’s nothing that is different from my property than the other, say, 1000 farms in Vermont. … It’s only equitable that they should be treated all alike.”

All told, more than 13,000 acres in Hartland are enrolled in the program, resulting in a nearly $41.2 million reduction in the town’s grand list and $793,657 in tax savings for enrolled landowners.

And it’s not even at the top of the list: With 29,000 acres in current use, Fairfield earns that distinction. Cambridge and Averill are right up there, too. Meanwhile, the greatest tax savings are found, predictably, in towns with higher property values: Stowe, Pomfret and Woodstock, where participants in the program avoided, respectively, $1.33 million, $1.32 million and $1.26 million in total tax payments in 2012.

“Everybody says, ‘Well, the state reimburses you,’” says Rosson, referring to a provision in the program under which the state pays towns for the difference in their municipal taxes.

Her retort? “Where does the state money come from?”

Johnson backs up Rosson’s assessment: “Everybody in the state is paying for the program, through one form of taxes or another.”

Proponents, meanwhile, argue that the tax policy has economic value that outweighs its cost. In 2007, a current- use task force estimated that the economic payback of leaving land undeveloped — looking at everything from specialty foods to tourism — was more than $4 billion.

“People don’t get how essential it is to the economy and the working lands they value so much,” says Clarkson. In a perfect world, she said, bottles of maple syrup and other Vermont goods would come plastered with a label akin to “Made Possible by Current Use.”

Forests, Parks & Recreation Commissioner Michael Snyder is among those who rave about current use; he objects to the characterization of current-use as a “tax break” and instead terms it a tax fairness program. In his previous work as a county forester, he heard from landowners who said that were it not for current use, they couldn’t afford to retain ownership of their forestlands. While some are ideologically opposed to it — “There were many who said, ‘I’d never enroll in that welfare program,’” he recalls — many more depended upon it. Nearly half of all eligible parcels in the state are enrolled in current use.

“The pressure on people’s lands to subdivide, to convert to non-forests, is really staggering, and it’s growing,” says Snyder. “If you like how Vermont looks and functions and feels, it’s largely because we’re a forest state now.” That Vermont retains its forests, he says, is thanks in large part to current use.

Put Blodgett, the president of the board of the Vermont Woodlands Association, agrees. “If land is taxed at development value, that’s what it will become,” he says.

Current use’s biggest proponents — and there are many — argue that there are too many rumors about the program. The perception that rich, out-of-state landowners are tapping into the tax break is, they say, a misperception. Full-time Vermonters own 76 percent of the land enrolled in current use. That’s according to the Current Use Tax Coalition, a diverse team of advocates for the program representing conservationists, sportsmen, foresters and farmers.

Still, even many current-use supporters agree it’s time for some changes. Tom Vickery, who has worked as a lister and reappraiser in Stowe and Waterbury for more than 40 years, was a huge backer of the program in the 1970s. He’d seen firsthand the benefits of a tax stabilization program in Stowe that was a predecessor to current use, and Vickery was active in getting the original current-use law passed.

Years later, the state “watered down” the penalties associated with removing land from current-use — a decision that Vickery says made “a shambles” of the program. He and many other listers in the state were disappointed in the results.

“What we were seeing was people coming in to avoid taxes, not for the preservation and conservation we saw originally with the program,” he says. “We thought people were beginning to game the system.”

Now he’s holding out hope that tougher penalties might fix that problem. “I look at this as being a second generation of the current-use program,” Vickery says. “Let’s start fresh.”


NPR’s ‘The Salt’: Did Congress Just Give GMOs A Free Pass In The Courts?

by Maria Godoy
March 21, 2013

Tucked inside a short-term funding measure that Congress approved Thursday is a provision that critics are denouncing as a “Monsanto Protection Act.”

The so-called “biotech rider” was included in legislation that won final approval from the House, avoiding a shutdown of the federal government on March 27, when the current funding was set to expire. The provision was slipped into the legislation anonymously. It explicitly grants the U.S. Department of Agriculture the authority to override a judicial ruling stopping the planting of a genetically modified crop.

On the face of it, that sounds pretty bad. And when environmental and organic farming groups got wind of it earlier this month, they mounted a campaign urging voters to call and email their senators and voice their outrage over the provision, which they denounced as a “giveaway to genetically engineered seed companies” and even an act of “fascism.” Also dismayed was Montana Democrat Jon Tester, the Senate’s lone active farmer, who had offered an amendment to strike the provision from the funding resolution.

The provision “tells USDA to ignore any judicial ruling regarding the planting of genetically modified crops,” Tester said in remarks prepared for delivery on the Senate floor last week.

But a closer look at the language of the provision suggests it may not be granting the USDA any powers it hasn’t already exercised in the past.

If you read the provision closely (it’s on page 78, Sec. 735, of this PDF), you’ll see that it authorizes the USDA to grant “temporary” permission for GMO crops to be planted, even if a judge has ruled that such crops were not properly approved, only while the necessary environmental reviews are completed. That’s an authority that the USDA has, in fact, already exercised in the past.

Back in 2010, a federal judge in San Francisco ruled that the USDA had approved genetically modified sugar beets for commercial planting without adequately assessing their potential environmental impact. The ruling effectively banned future plantings of GMO sugar beets — which made up most of the country’s crop — and raised the specter of a sugar shortage.

So two giant biotech seed producers — Monsanto and Germany’s KWS — petitioned the USDA to issue a “partial deregulation”: Essentially, farmers got the go-ahead to keep planting the beets until the USDA’s environmental assessment of the crop was complete.

At the time, the USDA’s decision infuriated environmental groups and the organic industry. So it’s easy to see why these same groups now take umbrage at an act of Congress that seems to encourage the USDA to approve first, assess later when it comes to GMO crops involved in a legal dispute.

Says Jaffe: “It clearly is a strong statement from Congress that USDA should exercise those powers, maybe in more situations than they might otherwise do it.”

But unlike controversial biotech language inserted into the farm bill last year that never made it into law, Jaffe notes, the newly enacted provision does not seek to limit the government’s ability to conduct environmental reviews of biotech crops.

And for opponents of the new biotech rider, there’s this silver lining: Like the rest of the stopgap funding legislation, it expires in six months.


Seven Days: Is This the Year for Legalizing Hemp Production in Vermont?

By Kathryn FlaggMarch 29, 2013
Full Article

In 2008, Vermont lawmakers threw their support behind the industrial production of hemp, a variety of cannabis that can be refined into food, fuel and fiber. The only problem? The so-called hemp bill made abundantly clear that Vermont would hold off on licensing or permitting any hemp farming until federal laws no longer prohibited the practice.

Five years later, federal law hasn’t changed, but that isn’t stopping some Vermont legislators and lobbyists from reviving the hemp bill. S. 157, which passed on a voice vote in the Senate yesterday and now heads to the House, strips out some of the language and restrictions that proponents say too closely conflated hemp with its controversial cousin marijuana. More significantly, though, the updated bill would allow the Vermont Agency of Agriculture, Food and Markets to begin issuing permits to raise hemp without any change in federal law.

Even with a state permit in hand, farmers would run the risk of federal prosecution for growing hemp. Their property could be seized, and they could lose federal aid under the Farm Bill. But Robb Kidd, an organizer with Rural Vermont who is pushing hard for hemp production in the state, says that hasn’t dissuaded a few farmers from telling him they’d be lined up on day one for their permits.

“There are folks out there who will take the risk,” says Kidd.

Sen. David Zuckerman (P/D-Chittenden), the vice-chair of the Senate Agriculture Committee, warns that farmers would have to think carefully — and probably set up legal barriers — before planting hemp. But then again, he says, “The federal government is facing budget cuts, the state government is facing tight budgets, and law enforcement as far as I would gather are going to be focused on actual drug problems.”

Proponents say agricultural hemp could be a boon for Vermont farmers. Rural Vermont and the Vermont Sustainable Jobs Fund estimate the crop could bring in between $2000 and $3000 an acre for farmers. Hemp is a good crop to use in rotation with corn, a crop grown extensively by dairy farmers in Vermont for feed, and can help kill weeds in fields naturally, without the use of herbicides.

For farmers who want to transition to organic certification, hemp could serve as a transition crop during the three years fields need to be free of chemical herbicides and pesticides. Hemp also makes sense in fields prone to flooding; while hemp can’t be used for food products after being contaminated by flood waters, it can have a useful — and profitable — life as other, non-edible products. Traditional food crops, by contrast, can be a total loss after flooding.

The crop could also be turned into a profitable value-added product: hempseed oil. Farmers who are equipped to make sunflower or canola oil already have the equipment necessary to produce hempseed oil.

The concentration of THC, the principle psychoactive compound in marijuana, exists in such low concentrations in hemp that the plant can’t be used to get high.

Even so, Kidd says that Vermont’s original hemp bill — in an effort to appease opponents — didn’t make that distinction between pot and hemp clear enough. The bill calls for criminal background checks for any farmers who wish to grow hemp, and would have required farmers to register the exact coordinates of their farm fields. The result, Kidd says, is that even though hemp isn’t a drug, it was treated like one.

Netaka White, the bioenergy program director with VSJF, says S. 157 is a big improvement in that regard. “It places hemp where it really is, or where it needs to be, which is as an agricultural crop, not a drug,” he says.

The Senate ag committee, which introduced S. 157, took testimony from the Department of Public Safety on the legislation. While DPS neither supported nor opposed the legislation, Commissioner Keith Flynn did indicate to lawmakers that law enforcement officials in Vermont have bigger fish to fry — for example, crimes related to opiate abuse.

Vermont isn’t alone in investigating hemp production, and nationwide the push for growing hemp has bipartisan support. Kentucky legislators earlier this week approved a bill that would establish a framework for a legal hemp industry in the Bluegrass State, and Republican Sen. Rand Paul is promising to seek a wavier from the Drug Enforcement Administration in order to speed along hemp development in his home state.

If anything, hemp is a throwback crop rather than a trailblazing new addition to the ag landscape. During World War II, the U.S. Department of Agriculture rolled out a film called “Hemp for Victory” extolling the virtues of the crop. Domestic hemp production was crucial after war with Japan cut off Asian supplies to the United States. At one point U.S. farmers cultivated an estimated 400,000 acres of hemp. Today more than 30 countries produce industrial hemp, including Canada.

Zuckerman, Kidd and White all say they’re moderately optimistic about S. 157’s odds as it heads to the House. As the debate over decriminalization of marijuana continues in Vermont, Kidd says it’s only common sense to forge ahead with hemp cultivation. “If you’re going to allow folks to smoke marijuana, why don’t we allow farmers to grow hemp that will bring an economic benefit to the state?”


Captial Press: Whole Foods: Products will carry GMO labeling

By CANDICE CHOI
3/8/13
Full Article

NEW YORK (AP) — Whole Foods says all products in its North American stores will have labels disclosing if they contain genetically modified ingredients by 2018.

The company says it’s the first national grocery chain to set such a deadline for labeling foods that contain genetically modified organisms, or GMOs. A spokeswoman for Whole Foods said organic foods will not have to carry the labels since they do not contain GMOs by definition. Although Whole Foods is known as an organic grocer, it also sells a wide array of non-organic products.

Whole Foods Market Inc. notes that it has been working with suppliers for years to source products that don’t have GMO ingredients. It says it currently sells more than 3,000 products have gone through the non-GMO verification process, more than any other retailer in North America.

The use of GMOs has been a growing issue in recent years, with health advocates pushing for mandatory labeling. Last year, California voters shot down an initiative that would have required such labels. As various efforts continue for GMO labeling, Whole Foods said it would move ahead with its own plans.

A spokeswoman for Whole Foods noted that its stores in the United Kingdom already have GMO labeling, in compliance with national regulations.

Walter Robb, co-CEO of Whole Foods, said the issue was about “the consumer’s right to know.”

Patty Lovera of Food and Water Watch, a consumer and environmental advocacy group, called the Whole Foods announcement a “smart move.” Her group and others have been pushing for a federal law requiring labeling on all genetically modified foods.

“We’re continuing to work to make this label mandatory because everyone deserves to have that label, not just Whole Food shoppers,” Lovera said. “But I think it’s smart on their part to start giving consumers what they want, which is more information.”


Examiner: CT lawmakers consider taking more action to label genetically engineered food

March 15, 2013
By:
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Connecticut lawmakers are at the Capitol today considering a bill that would require the labeling of genetically engineered food. A public hearing was being held this morning on House Bill 6519, which would mandate the labeling of all processed foods, animals, fruits and vegetables that have been genetically engineered.

More than 150 Connecticut-based organizations and businesses have already endorsed this bill along with national organizations including Food Democracy Now!, Organic Consumers Association, and Institute for Responsible Technology. Jerry Greenfield, the Jerry of Ben & Jerry’s ice cream, is also in the state for the hearing.

On Wednesday, March 13, the Committee on Children helped set the stage by voting 11 to 1 in favor of HB 6527, an Act Concerning Genetically Engineered Baby Food, which would require the labeling of foods containing GE ingredients fed to infants.

“We are thrilled that the legislative members of the Children’s Committee have overwhelmingly voted to support our right to know what is in our food,” Tara Cook-Littman, leader of GMO Free CT and mother of three, said in an interview. “This is one step toward giving mothers in CT the ability to make informed choices about what they feed their children.”

GMO Free CT is a grass roots organization educating consumers, farmers, and the government of CT about Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOS) and advocating for our right to know what is in our food.

The bill to label genetically engineered baby food was introduced by State Rep. Diana Urban (D-North Stonington), Chair of the Children’s Committee and mother of one.

“More and more we are coming to realize that GMOs represent a possible human health concern for adults and our children. With the real potential threat to human health, we must make sure to provide basic information to mothers trying to make healthy choices for their families,” said State Rep. Kim Fawcett (D-Fairfield), vice chair of the Children’s Committee. “The work we’re doing here in Connecticut is just part of the voice of a national movement that is demanding more information and transparency about what’s in our food.”

The introduction of this bill and HB 6519 comes after Prop. 37 this past November in California narrowly failed to pass. The measure would have required foods made with GE ingredients to be labeled.

Last year, Connecticut’s own labeling bill failed to pass earlier in 2012. “It was disappointing that the bill didn’t pass here in Connecticut, but we knew it would take time,” Littman said in a December interview. “There will be more momentum [in 2013], and we will have more friends on our side in the legislature.”

The sponsor of HB 6519, Representative Phil Miller said prior to Friday’s public hearing, “This is great progress. We are answering the falsehoods being spread by opponents of labeling with a totality, which more than meets the requirement of proving a legitimate state interest in this legislation.”


Times Argus Op-ed: Open letter to Gov. Shumlin

March 09, 2013
Michael Feiner
Full Article

Open letter to Gov. Shumlin:

I’m sure if I asked you mano a mano how you felt about having products containing genetically engineered ingredients labeled as such, you’d probably be all for it. I’m sure if I doubled down and asked you how you felt about the risks of planting these crops in the first place, you’d say you weren’t really sure it’s a good idea. You’re a guy who likes to have all the facts, and what “facts” there are about GMOs have been engineered by the corporations profiting from their proliferation. I think you’re practical enough to know that just doesn’t fly.

Wenonah Hauter reminds us in her recent book “Foodopoly” that “science has been allowed to run amok; the biotechnology industry has become so powerful that it can literally buy public policy. Scientists have been allowed to move forward without adequate regulation, and they are now manipulating the genomes of all living things — microorganisms, seeds, fish, and animals. This has enabled corporations to gain control over the basic building blocks of life, threatening the integrity of our global genetic commons and our collective food security.”

Now, I may be going out on a limb here, but deep down I think you agree; and not because you’re an activist, or a politician, or a scientist, but because you’re not stupid.

Frankly, labeling these products may do very little to turn back the tide of corporate control of our food supply or the devastation of our environment. That said, Vermonters don’t get into the ring based on the odds of winning, we get into the ring because we’re fighting for what’s right.

There’s a lot of talk about being sued, and legal precedent (although the reality is that in this case, legal precedence is on our side), and probably a lot of back room talk about your political ambitions and your future. Well, here’s a wake-up call: Your political ambitions rest in the hands of Vermont voters, because if we decide you turned your back on us or took the wrong side of any issue because of its political risks or threats from corporations, you can be sure we will let you and the rest of the world know in no uncertain terms as you pander for votes in the next election.

Monsanto wants to sue, bring it on! You want to show what kind of politician you can be, start by showing what kind of man you can be and tell Monsanto exactly what they can do with their GE experiments.

You can start by sticking it to them on labeling. You deserve to know what’s in the food you eat. If you don’t know, call me, and I’ll take you on a tour of the Statehouse cafeteria and show you all the GMO crap you’ve been consuming over the years; right now you need someone to point it out because Monsanto would very much rather you didn’t know.

So, sure, this is about Monsanto, and it’s about Vermonters, and it’s about me, and farming, and fish, and freedom (if that’s your thing), but mostly, it’s about you.

You may be the governor, but when Monsanto bulldozes its way onto your dinner table and decides what you can, and cannot, know about the food you’re eating, that’s when things get really, really personal.

Michael Feiner
Roxbury